Radical Philosophy Review: Cuban Democracy
Cuban Democracy review for Radical Philosophy Review , Vol. 4, nos. 1-2 (2001) by Cliff DuRand, Morgan State University * Arnold August, Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-98 Elections (Habana: Editorial Jose Marti, 1999) and * Peter Roman, People's Power: Cuba's Experience with Representative Government (Boulder: Westview Press, 1999) Mention the words 'Cuban democracy' and most Americans (including many on the Left) will think you have either uttered an oxymoron or are expressing a hope for the future. Now at last we have two serious studies of the Cuban political system that cut through common stereotypes. One by a Canadian, the other by a U.S. national, both are based on extensive field work in Cuba while also drawing on the research of Cuban social scientists. What emerges from their detailed descriptions and analyses is a portrait of a political system far more democratic than most North Americans believe currently exists in Cuba, even in many ways more democratic than the U.S. --although neither author argues for such a comparison. Anyone who wants to free themselves from the ubiquitous anti-Cuban propaganda should read both of these books. While they cover some of the same terrain (the electoral process and the structure of representation), they each situate it in a different context. August sees it as the development of that unique Cuban national identity called 'cubania' that has evolved over the last century and a half. Roman, on the other hand, views it in the context of Marxist theory and historical practice in Europe from the Paris Commune of 1871, through the Soviets of 1905 and 1917 and beyond. While both approaches are valid, they shed differing but complementary light on Cuba today. The model of democracy the U.S. insists is the only valid one is based on multi-party elections. As this is a procedural concept of democracy, it does not necessarily lead to the kind of substantive democracy Lincoln advocated when he spoke of government not only of the people (deriving its authority from the sovereign people), but also by the people (involving their active participation) and for the people (serving their interest). The main thrust of August's argument takes on the U.S.s limited electoral definition of democracy and shows that the Cuban political process is procedurally democratic, though it follows significantly different procedures from the U.S. At the same time, it also achieves a degree of substantive democracy that is remarkable. Not that Cuba hasn't tried the U.S. model. Over the first half of the twentieth century, under U.S. tutelage, Cuba had extensive experience with a multi-party electoral system. It was the total inadequacy of this system to achieve national dignity for Cuba that lead to the 1959 Revolution and the more participatory political system that has evolved since. One of the strengths of August's book is that it exposes what this U.S. model has really amounted to in Cuba. At least since the U.S. military occupation that began in 1899 when the U.S. snatched from the Cubans the independence that was within their grasp, U.S. policy has been to divide Cubans politically and promote "respectable representatives" of U.S. interests who could form a stable government. What had to be avoided above all was, in the words of the U.S. military governor of Santiago de Cuba, Leonard Wood, political power falling into the hands of the "ignorant masses", the "unruly rabble" who advocated independence and self government. (102) General Wood candidly stated the U.S. aim as follows: The people ask me what we mean by stable government in Cuba. I tell them that when money can be borrowed at a reasonable rate of interest and when capital is willing to invest in the island, a condition of stability will have been reached. (104) August shows how such neo-colonial objectives have been a continuous thread running through U.S. policy right up to the Helms-Burton Act of today. Indeed, it was this contradiction between the national aspirations of the Cuban people and colonialism and then neo-colonialism throughout the last century and a half that has shaped the Cuban character. That unique and strong sense of national identity called cubania was first born in the mid 19th century in the struggle against Spanish colonialism and continues to evolve up to the present. The convergence of nationality with the political struggle of the nation to construct a state through which the people could have power defines cubania. Its content is the quest for independence, democracy and social justice. Its current outcome is the participatory political institutions August and Roman so ably describe. From the elected assemblies on the municipal, provincial and national levels, through the accountability sessions with local constituents, to the Workers' Parliaments and other mass consultations on major policy issues, there are extensive channels for popular participation in Cuba. The foundation of Cuban democracy is in the locally elected delegados to the Municipal Assemblies. While there must be more candidates than positions in these elections, there is no campaigning allowed. Roman quotes a Cuban voter who expresses disgust with political campaigns. "For us the delegate must be a humble person, not given to self promotion." (118) Delegados are elected by constituents who know them personally based on their character, local reputation, and ability to represent them. They function as ombudsmen, advocates for the people to make state institutions in their areas accountable and are required to meet with their constituents semi-annually to give an account of their work and receive new complaints/problems/ suggestions. While this is not a legislative body, it does serve to bridge political and civil society. Legislative powers rest with the elected National Assembly, up to half of whose members are also local delegates (who in practice are the most active deputies). Other members are drawn from various walks of life. Key to the selection of the National Assembly is the National Candidacy Commission. It is made up of representatives from the trade unions, the women's federation, student groups, small farmers and the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution. The Communist Party is not represented, and since 1992 has been banned from participating in either the nomination or election process. Nominations are made by citizens in plenums of these mass organizations. Tens of thousands of nominations are made for the 601 seats in the National Assembly. It is the task of the Candidacy Commission to whittle this down through extensive consultations to 601 nominees who are a mirror of the nation. To be elected a deputy, a candidate must receive 50% of the popular vote in a secret ballot election. The function of the Cuban Communist Party in this process, according to Cuban researchers cited by Roman, is "mobilization of resources, coordination, and guaranteeing the correct application of established norms and respect for the wishes of the voters." (p. 110) The party is not an electoral party. It no longer participates in the nomination of candidates, nor do they have to be party members. The Communist Party's principal role is to lead society. "It sets long-range goals for the whole society, including the government, and attempts to stimulate, guide, and promote the development of a socialist society and a populace with socialist consciousness." (p. 90) It no longer defines itself as the vanguard of the working class alone, but the vanguard of the Cuban people as a whole. It is out of the desire to maintain that unity that there is only one party. Cuba's bitter experience with a multi party system that divided society and made it vulnerable to manipulation by the U.S. taught the people the value of a single party of national unity. This was the lesson Jose Marti learned in the 19th century and it is a lesson still being followed today. August sees this as one of the central features of cubania as it has developed historically. August is quick to leap to the ideological defense of the Cuban political institutions against its U.S. detractors. As he traces the evolution of these institutions from 1959 to the present, he praises each new change as a higher development of cubania. Granted, there is much to praise, but this posture leaves him slow to recognize shortcomings. As a result there is a peculiar lacuna in his historical narrative. Each perfecting of the institutions comes upon the reader as a surprise, since it almost seemed that the previous stage was already perfect. This is where a more dialectical approach that recognized contradictions within the system leading to its change, would have served August well. For example, a franker discussion of the bureaucratic tendencies in the Soviet model adopted in the 1970's would better enable us to understand the reforms that came with the rectification campaign in the 1980's. On the other hand, Roman is quicker to acknowledge problems, shortcomings, imperfections that still need to be overcome. But all of that is clearly in the context of the overall assessment: "the current local political system ... has brought a level of democratization without precedent in the history of Cuba" (Roman appears to agree with this assessment by Valdes Paz, p. 97) While August has the more extensive discussion of the nomination process, Roman gives more extensive treatment to the accountability sessions and the popular councils. Indeed, he sees these as the most democratic feature of Cuba's political system. He sees them as the Cuban adaptation of the mandat imperatif system, i.e. instructed delegates acting as agents of their constituents, a model Roman traces to Rousseau's direct democracy. Filled with interesting anecdotes, these chapters give a richly concrete picture of a side of democratic life in Cuba unseen by most North Americans. It is clear that the democratic character of the Cuban political system cannot be fully understood by simply looking at the formal electoral process. One must also look at the numerous means of popular participation, consultation and accountability that at one and the same time makes government responsive and educates the people. Responding to a typical statement by President Clinton that Cuba lacks democracy and accountability, Roman quotes a Cuban author as replying: He says this about the only government in the hemisphere, including the United States, that not only is subject to direct accountability sessions by the people, but also ... subjects to popular debate entire policies such as the island's finances. Where can the average North American formally register opinions on the financial or tax policies of Washington, to ratify or oppose the decisions of the cabinet, the legislature and a select group of corporate plutocrats? To which voters and to what people is the government accountable when it decides to undertake the arms race or star wars? (pp. 155-156)
Roman's ultimate aim, he tells us in his Introduction, is to evaluate "whether a local parliamentary system can be considered legitimate, representative, and effective in the absence of oppositional politics, electoral campaigns, and a multiparty system." (6) The answer can be found in a 1990 Bohemia survey that asked, "Do you feel that you participate in the government of the country?" 60.7% of the respondents said yes, 26% said somewhat, and 13% answered no. (pp. 160-161) This suggests a high level of legitimacy in the eyes of the Cuban people.
So too do the high voter participation rates. Typically over 80% of the electorate attend the nomination meetings. Although voting is not mandatory, in 1986, 97.7% of the eligible voters voted, in 1989, 98.3% voted. Voting is by secret ballot in enclosed voting booths. During the last decade, with all the economic hardships of the Special Period, right wing Cuban Americans in Miami launched massive propaganda campaigns encouraging Cubans to express their opposition to the government by either not voting or by casting blank or spoiled ballots. In spite of that, in 1995, 97.1% voted with 11.3% of the ballots not valid. Again in 1997, 97.6% voted, with only 7.2% invalid ballots.(pp. 122-125) While these results do show some opposition, even under the most unfavorable interpretation they demonstrate well over 80% support for the government. The U.S. government should do so well!
The Cuban political process is designed to promote unity and consensus. Consultation is used extensively, not only at the local level, but at the national level as well. For example, August tells us that in developing the list of candidates for the National Assembly in 1997, 1.6 million people were consulted in order to come up with a slate that was a mirror of the nation.(p. 312) Consultation is also used in putting out for grassroots discussion controversial legislative proposals, as was done with the issue of an income tax. Castro explained the rationale well: "We take months--it doesn't matter that months go by--in assemblies of one type or another, gathering opinions of the workers, explaining again, persuading, illustrating things that are not well understood, in order to achieve a consensus on what we must do, and in this way we continue to succeed." (p. 256) It is by such means that the General Will is realized.
As Rousseau recognized, this is possible only if there is a basic equality among the people. "Achieving consensus is attributed to a lack of corporate interests and struggles among competing powerful interest groups." This makes possible "the confluence of many opinions to arrive at a unity of action", a genuine consensus, not just a false unanimity.(p. 86)
The material basis for this unity has been weakened in the last decade as an increasing differentiation of interests has emerged. The economic crisis has weakened the state and its ability to provide common goods. The dollarization of the economy has created inequalities that often coincide with old cleavages in society. While there are neither antagonistic classes nor a privileged elite to exacerbate social tensions, consensus becomes more difficult to achieve. Perhaps this is why Cuba's leadership turned to a more cultural basis for unity in the 1990s. August's emphasis on cubania, that strong sense of national identity that all Cubans share, is very much in line with this emphasis.
Both of these books deserve a wide readership, particularly in the U.S.. They could help this nation overcome one of its longest standing foreign policy injustices -- the continuing Cold War hostility toward Cuba -- and give it the breathing space needed to further perfect its democracy. Open minded Washington insiders could benefit especially from these well researched studies of our close neighbor to the south. Send a copy to your Congressperson now. August and Roman will teach us all to respect the dignity of this creative nation that so cherishes its independence, democracy and social justice.
Cuban Democracy review for Radical Philosophy Review , Vol. 4, nos. 1-2 (2001) by Cliff DuRand, Morgan State University * Arnold August, Democracy in Cuba and the 1997-98 Elections (Habana: Editorial Jose Marti, 1999) and * Peter Roman, People's Power: Cuba's Experience with Representative Government (Boulder: Westview Press, 1999) Mention the words 'Cuban democracy' and most Americans (including many on the Left) will think you have either uttered an oxymoron or are expressing a hope for the future. Now at last we have two serious studies of the Cuban political system that cut through common stereotypes. One by a Canadian, the other by a U.S. national, both are based on extensive field work in Cuba while also drawing on the research of Cuban social scientists. What emerges from their detailed descriptions and analyses is a portrait of a political system far more democratic than most North Americans believe currently exists in Cuba, even in many ways more democratic than the U.S. --although neither author argues for such a comparison. Anyone who wants to free themselves from the ubiquitous anti-Cuban propaganda should read both of these books. While they cover some of the same terrain (the electoral process and the structure of representation), they each situate it in a different context. August sees it as the development of that unique Cuban national identity called 'cubania' that has evolved over the last century and a half. Roman, on the other hand, views it in the context of Marxist theory and historical practice in Europe from the Paris Commune of 1871, through the Soviets of 1905 and 1917 and beyond. While both approaches are valid, they shed differing but complementary light on Cuba today. The model of democracy the U.S. insists is the only valid one is based on multi-party elections. As this is a procedural concept of democracy, it does not necessarily lead to the kind of substantive democracy Lincoln advocated when he spoke of government not only of the people (deriving its authority from the sovereign people), but also by the people (involving their active participation) and for the people (serving their interest). The main thrust of August's argument takes on the U.S.s limited electoral definition of democracy and shows that the Cuban political process is procedurally democratic, though it follows significantly different procedures from the U.S. At the same time, it also achieves a degree of substantive democracy that is remarkable. Not that Cuba hasn't tried the U.S. model. Over the first half of the twentieth century, under U.S. tutelage, Cuba had extensive experience with a multi-party electoral system. It was the total inadequacy of this system to achieve national dignity for Cuba that lead to the 1959 Revolution and the more participatory political system that has evolved since. One of the strengths of August's book is that it exposes what this U.S. model has really amounted to in Cuba. At least since the U.S. military occupation that began in 1899 when the U.S. snatched from the Cubans the independence that was within their grasp, U.S. policy has been to divide Cubans politically and promote "respectable representatives" of U.S. interests who could form a stable government. What had to be avoided above all was, in the words of the U.S. military governor of Santiago de Cuba, Leonard Wood, political power falling into the hands of the "ignorant masses", the "unruly rabble" who advocated independence and self government. (102) General Wood candidly stated the U.S. aim as follows: The people ask me what we mean by stable government in Cuba. I tell them that when money can be borrowed at a reasonable rate of interest and when capital is willing to invest in the island, a condition of stability will have been reached. (104) August shows how such neo-colonial objectives have been a continuous thread running through U.S. policy right up to the Helms-Burton Act of today. Indeed, it was this contradiction between the national aspirations of the Cuban people and colonialism and then neo-colonialism throughout the last century and a half that has shaped the Cuban character. That unique and strong sense of national identity called cubania was first born in the mid 19th century in the struggle against Spanish colonialism and continues to evolve up to the present. The convergence of nationality with the political struggle of the nation to construct a state through which the people could have power defines cubania. Its content is the quest for independence, democracy and social justice. Its current outcome is the participatory political institutions August and Roman so ably describe. From the elected assemblies on the municipal, provincial and national levels, through the accountability sessions with local constituents, to the Workers' Parliaments and other mass consultations on major policy issues, there are extensive channels for popular participation in Cuba. The foundation of Cuban democracy is in the locally elected delegados to the Municipal Assemblies. While there must be more candidates than positions in these elections, there is no campaigning allowed. Roman quotes a Cuban voter who expresses disgust with political campaigns. "For us the delegate must be a humble person, not given to self promotion." (118) Delegados are elected by constituents who know them personally based on their character, local reputation, and ability to represent them. They function as ombudsmen, advocates for the people to make state institutions in their areas accountable and are required to meet with their constituents semi-annually to give an account of their work and receive new complaints/problems/ suggestions. While this is not a legislative body, it does serve to bridge political and civil society. Legislative powers rest with the elected National Assembly, up to half of whose members are also local delegates (who in practice are the most active deputies). Other members are drawn from various walks of life. Key to the selection of the National Assembly is the National Candidacy Commission. It is made up of representatives from the trade unions, the women's federation, student groups, small farmers and the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution. The Communist Party is not represented, and since 1992 has been banned from participating in either the nomination or election process. Nominations are made by citizens in plenums of these mass organizations. Tens of thousands of nominations are made for the 601 seats in the National Assembly. It is the task of the Candidacy Commission to whittle this down through extensive consultations to 601 nominees who are a mirror of the nation. To be elected a deputy, a candidate must receive 50% of the popular vote in a secret ballot election. The function of the Cuban Communist Party in this process, according to Cuban researchers cited by Roman, is "mobilization of resources, coordination, and guaranteeing the correct application of established norms and respect for the wishes of the voters." (p. 110) The party is not an electoral party. It no longer participates in the nomination of candidates, nor do they have to be party members. The Communist Party's principal role is to lead society. "It sets long-range goals for the whole society, including the government, and attempts to stimulate, guide, and promote the development of a socialist society and a populace with socialist consciousness." (p. 90) It no longer defines itself as the vanguard of the working class alone, but the vanguard of the Cuban people as a whole. It is out of the desire to maintain that unity that there is only one party. Cuba's bitter experience with a multi party system that divided society and made it vulnerable to manipulation by the U.S. taught the people the value of a single party of national unity. This was the lesson Jose Marti learned in the 19th century and it is a lesson still being followed today. August sees this as one of the central features of cubania as it has developed historically. August is quick to leap to the ideological defense of the Cuban political institutions against its U.S. detractors. As he traces the evolution of these institutions from 1959 to the present, he praises each new change as a higher development of cubania. Granted, there is much to praise, but this posture leaves him slow to recognize shortcomings. As a result there is a peculiar lacuna in his historical narrative. Each perfecting of the institutions comes upon the reader as a surprise, since it almost seemed that the previous stage was already perfect. This is where a more dialectical approach that recognized contradictions within the system leading to its change, would have served August well. For example, a franker discussion of the bureaucratic tendencies in the Soviet model adopted in the 1970's would better enable us to understand the reforms that came with the rectification campaign in the 1980's. On the other hand, Roman is quicker to acknowledge problems, shortcomings, imperfections that still need to be overcome. But all of that is clearly in the context of the overall assessment: "the current local political system ... has brought a level of democratization without precedent in the history of Cuba" (Roman appears to agree with this assessment by Valdes Paz, p. 97) While August has the more extensive discussion of the nomination process, Roman gives more extensive treatment to the accountability sessions and the popular councils. Indeed, he sees these as the most democratic feature of Cuba's political system. He sees them as the Cuban adaptation of the mandat imperatif system, i.e. instructed delegates acting as agents of their constituents, a model Roman traces to Rousseau's direct democracy. Filled with interesting anecdotes, these chapters give a richly concrete picture of a side of democratic life in Cuba unseen by most North Americans. It is clear that the democratic character of the Cuban political system cannot be fully understood by simply looking at the formal electoral process. One must also look at the numerous means of popular participation, consultation and accountability that at one and the same time makes government responsive and educates the people. Responding to a typical statement by President Clinton that Cuba lacks democracy and accountability, Roman quotes a Cuban author as replying: He says this about the only government in the hemisphere, including the United States, that not only is subject to direct accountability sessions by the people, but also ... subjects to popular debate entire policies such as the island's finances